Notes of the Tomb of Setka at Qubbet el-Hawa, Aswan

Published in: The Bulletin of the Australian Centre for Egyptology Vol. 11 (2000) pp.67f.

Michael R. Jenkins

(Published with the personal approval of Prof. Gaballa, the Secretary General of the Supreme Council of Antiquities (Cairo))

The island of Elephantine (ancient Abu) lies in the middle of the Nile immediately adjacent to the modern city of Aswan (ancient Swenet/Syene). During the Sixth Dynasty period local nobles gained significant degrees of personal power and wealth associated with their positions as the 'Keepers of the Southern Gates': guarding the frontier with Nubia; and undertaking trade, quarrying and military missions in the name of the king. Faced with the desire to perpetuate their existence through the construction of a tomb, these influential men had two options open to them: building within a mastaba field on the isle itself; or excavating rock-cut tombs on the west bank of the mainland.

The Elephantine mastaba field was located in an area immediately around and to the north of a small step pyramid built under Huni or Snefru in the south-western section of the island.[1] This necropolis was employed from the Fifth Dynasty to the end of the Middle Kingdom but its mastabas have survived in a ruined state and almost nothing remains of their superstructures or decorations.[2] While a natural granite quarry, Elephantine Island lacked any rises of workable stone in which a 'shaft and chamber' tomb might be cut and thus during the Sixth Dynasty, when the elite of the Elephantine Nome increasingly desired such structures, their attentions were turned to the west bank of the Nile. There, however, their choice of sites was limited. For much of its length the bank falls sharply to the river's edge in sand and loose rocks. Only opposite the northern tip of Elephantine Island, at a place now known as Qubbet el-Hawa (the 'Dome of the Wind' named after the cupola erected atop the cliff in memory of Sheikh Sidi Ali),[3] does the sandstone core of the bank offer any prospect for excavation. The stone here is of generally poor quality and limited quantity, the better sections forming conspicuous horizontal bands towards the top of the slope. As one might expect, these positions were the first used. The right to construct tombs within this necropolis appears to have been reserved strictly for the most high ranking of Elephantine's inhabitants.[4]

In addition to the rock-cut tombs of the escarpment mastaba burials were also made on the west bank during the late Old Kingdom period. To the north of Qubbet el-Hawa on low, sandy slopes nearby the New Kingdom period burial of Ka-kemkew (Cecil #15) a series of mud brick tombs with vaulted burial chambers (which were presumably covered by mastabas made of similar material) were uncovered in modern times but the findings of excavators have not been officially recorded. An apparently similar burial was revealed beside the modern stairway leading to the tomb of Khunes (#34h) in 1992.[5] This tomb appears to have once comprised of a rectangular mastaba built of sun-dried mud bricks resting above a shaft leading, via a door, to an undecorated subterranean burial chamber with a vaulted roof. The labour and expense required for the construction of such mud brick mastaba burials was obviously far less than that needed for contemporaneous rock-cut tombs in the Qubbet el-Hawa necropolis. This fact, and the relatively simple nature of the burial and grave goods found in this most recently discovered burial of its type, strongly suggest that the west bank mastaba cemetery served as the burial site for citizens of Abu whose social position was below that of the nobles who tombs rose above them, and above that of the owners of more humble sepulchres of the Elephantine Island mastaba cemetery.[6]

Of the many rock-cut tombs of the west bank necropolis at Qubbet el-Hawa which survive today, most are in a poor state of preservation. The low quality stone from which they were constructed has led to many collapsing, while others have been destroyed by human hands - all have been extensively looted. The first modern European to note the presence of these tombs was John Lewis Burckhardt in his descriptive journal, Travels in Nubia (1813).[7] Early excavations at the necropolis were undertaken by Sir F. Grenfell and E.A. Wallis Budge in 1885-86 [8] and by Lady W. Cecil in 1901-02.[9] Unfortunately the plans, decorations and texts of only a few of the more grand and historically significant tombs have been published in full and only a handful of the tombs are currently open for public inspection.[10]

Following the excavations undertaken by Grenfell, Budge and Cecil the Qubbet el-Hawa necropolis was largely overlooked by Egyptologists until L. Habachi and E. Edel recommenced investigation of the site in 1946.[11] Habachi recounted that: "In 1947, while working on the clearance of the tomb of Sabnj in Qubbet el-Hawa, we were told of the presence of another tomb on the lower layers of the cliffs, half full of debris. Convinced of its importance, we began to clear it, when we finished the work on Sabnj's tomb."[12] This new tomb, now numbered 110, lies in a horizontal seam of sandstone immediately below the tomb of Khunes (#34h) and to the left of the modern stairway leading to the necropolis. It was found to belong to a nobleman named Setka (Stj-k3) and was also employed by his son, Meri (Mrjj), among others. Setka's titles included: prince and governor; inspector of the priests of the pyramid of Pepi II ();[13] overseer of the phyles of Upper Egypt ();[14] and overseer of the foreign lands (). Meri's titles are given as: ; and , the first title otherwise unknown and the second meaning 'count' or 'mayor'.[15] Habachi dated the tomb to the later part of the First Intermediate Period and suggested that a statue of a nobleman named Setka which he uncovered on Elephantine Island in the sanctuary of Pepinakht-Heqaib (a local nomarch who was deified) may have represented the tomb owner.[16] On the statue's brief inscription its owner is given the titles 'lector-priest and overseer of works' but none of the three main titles held by the tomb-owner are noted. While it is possible that the Setka of the statue was the same individual as the tomb owner (the statue having been made at a date prior to his rise to more significant offices) the suggested link between them is tenuous.

Based on details of the costumes worn by Nubian bowmen depicted on one wall of the sepulchre (see below) H.G. Fischer also suggested a First Intermediate Period date for the tomb of Setka.[17] Fischer noted that the dress of the Nubians in Setka's tomb are very similar to those worn by Nubians on First Intermediate Period stelae from Gebelein and the tomb of Ankhtify at Mo'alla. These were contrasted by Fischer with the costumes worn by Nubians in depictions dating to the Fifth Dynasty. This fact would not, however, appear to preclude a late Sixth Dynasty dating for the tomb of Setka. Setka's title 'inspector of the priests of the pyramid of Pepi II' would seem to indicate that he lived at a time when that king's mortuary complex was staffed and functioning. His other major titles suggest that he played a role in the military and civil administration of the province, perhaps encompassing part of Lower Nubia immediately to the south of the First Cataract. These factors suggest a very late Old Kingdom or early First Intermediate Period dating for the tomb.[18]

While Habachi and Edel hoped to publish the tomb, both died prior to doing so.[19] On 9 December, 1993, I was granted permission to make measurements, notes and photographs of the tomb for a three hour period in the company of Mr Nasr Salama, Inspector of Aswan Antiquities for the Egyptian Antiquities Organisation. This paper is based on the field-notes and photographs taken by myself at that time and is intended only to highlight some of the interesting structural features and decorative elements of this little-known sepulchre.[20]

Architecture

Architecturally the tomb of Setka is relatively impressive and reflects the wealth and power enjoyed by its owner [Figure 1]. The original plan of the tomb would seem to have been for a hall approximately 18 metres long and 9 metres wide with six columns arranged in two rows: three pillars to either side of the axis on which lie the tomb door and false-door. The latter feature was cut at the back of a metre-deep recess in the rear wall. The square pillars of the hall characteristically measure 60 by 85 centimetres at their bases except for that in the south-western corner. Here, due to a deep crack in the sandstone from which it was carved, the column has been cut much wider than the others in order to give it added strength. An addition to the original plan was made immediately to the left of the main false-door where another has been excavated but not painted: it is undecorated but for the cutting of simple panels. Like the primary false-door, this one is set back in a metre deep recess of the back wall of the tomb hall. Part of the space between the two false-doors has been cut away so as to leave a window-like gap between them. The function of this curious architectural feature is unclear - it would appear that the maker of the secondary false-door (perhaps Meri?) desired his to be physically connected with that of Setka, but for what purpose is unknown.

The symmetry and balance of the basic plan of Setka's tomb appears to have been 'upset' by the extension of the hall at its northern end and by the addition of other architectural elements. This northern extension, which has four pillars, would seem to have not been completed - a large section of bedrock between the most north-western pillar and the north wall still awaits the workmen's chisels. This section of the hall also appears to lack decorative elements. Curiously, a window-like feature has been cut into the long front wall before the axis of the intercolumniation of the pillars of the extension. Similar features are to be found in two Old Kingdom tombs of the Qubbet el-Hawa necropolis: that of Khunes (#34h); and the 'double tomb' of Mekhu and Sabni (#25 & #26). In the former example two small, rectangular windows have been cut into a 'hunting in the marshes' scene on the north-west wall of the tomb hall.[21] These were doubtlessly made by Coptic Christians who employed the tomb as a cell or place of worship. In contrast the doorway of the tomb of Sabni was never completely cut away from the bed rock. It comprises three distinct parts: a very low opening more narrow than the actual width of the door frame (which is now blocked by rock fill); a thick horizontal seam of rock which was left intact at approximately the centre of the frame; and above the latter feature, an opening to the interior was made which occupies the full width of the doorway. A.E.P Weigall made the curious suggestion that this opening was intended as "an exit for the soul of the deceased".[22] It would seem incongruous that Sabni's 'soul' (whether Weigall was referring to the ka or ba is unclear) would require such an exit when neither spirit form was constrained by the physical world and such 'windows' are most uncommon features of Egyptian tombs. If required by the 'soul' as a means of moving to and from the tomb it would be expected that all tombs should display such features.

While probably intended to form a normal doorway to the tomb of Sabni, the horizontal rock seam blocking part of the opening suggests that it was left unfinished when it was decided to amalgamate the hall of Sabni's tomb with that of his father Mekhu - access to both these tombs can be made via the latter's doorway. That the tomb hall of Sabni was originally conceived as an independent (or at least quite distinct) structure is reflected in the fact that it has two rows of seven square columns which strongly contrasts with the three rows of six round columns of Mekhu's tomb hall.[23] Budge reported that "Maspero thinks that it [the tomb of Mekhu] was violated shortly after it was made, and that it was enlarged, and the partition between the two tombs [ie. those of Mekhu and Sabni] removed by the new owner about the time of the XIIth Dynasty."[24] I dispute this interpretation and would argue that the excavation of the hall of Sabni was carried out via the hall of Mekhu. This is suggested not only by the fact that the entrance door to the former was not completed, but also by architectural features of both halls. The round columns of Mekhu's hall support square abacuses, which in the main are sumounted by architrave-like features which project from the ceiling and run parallel to the long-walls of the hall and connect the abacuses of each long row of columns. Specifically the first row of Mekhu's columns as one enters the hall have these 'architraves' to the right of the central intercolumniation but not to the left. All pillars of the next row (that which aligns with the first row of Sabni's square columns) display this feature, as do all of the third row (which aligns with the second row of Sabni's columns) but for the intercolumniation between the centre-left column and that to its immediate left - however there is evidence to suggest that there was an 'architrave' here but that it has since fallen. Interestingly the two rows of square columns which support the ceiling of Sabni's hall have similar 'architraves' which join - without any break and in near perfect alignment - with the 'architraves' of the two inner rows of Mekhu's pillars. While the engineering skill of the ancient Egyptians is never to be underestimated it is difficult to believe that had Sabni's hall been constructed independently of that of Mehku and the dividing wall between them been removed at a later date, the pillars and 'architraves' of the former would align so well with those of the latter.

While the 'window' of the tomb of Setka may have been made during Christian times (indeed it lies very close to the tomb of Khunes and the monastery from which monks who came to construct dwellings and places of worship in the tombs nearby originated) during my short visit to the tomb of Setka I observed no evidence of Christian occupation of the sepulchre.[25a] Unlike the narrow, slit-like windows carved into the wall-reliefs of the tomb of Khunes (which were clearly constructed by Copts) the 'window' in the tomb of Setka is comparatively large and rectangular. It appears to have been made with careful regard for the adjacent decorative reliefs of the 'original' section of the wall of Setka's tomb hall. It is noteworthy that the 'window' of tomb 110 occupies a place in the outer wall which aligns with the intercolumniation of the pillars of the northern extension.[25b] Thus, from the exterior of the sepulchre, a viewer gazing through the 'window' may look directly through the gaps between the northern extension columns to the back wall of the tomb and the position where one would expect to find a false-door. Apparently no such false-door was ever made (as indeed no decorative elements appear to have been added to the northern extension) and the area where such a false-door may have been expected is now covered with rubble which has fallen from a tomb above. Could it be that, like the case of the double tomb of Mekhu and Sabni, the northern extension of Setka's tomb was originally conceived as an independent tomb (with four columns) and that during the earliest phase in its construction it was decided to amalgamate it with the adjacent tomb of Setka? If so the 'window' of Setka's tomb may parallel the curious architectural arrangement of Sabni's 'door', representing the early phase of a door construction but with neither having been completed.

One possible scenario would be that once the plan of the tomb was approved work began on the construction of the door but was halted almost immediately when it was decided to create double tombs (thus leaving the openings now observable in the tomb of Sabni and Setka's 'northern extension'). Work was then recommenced via the already completed halls of adjacent tombs (those of Mekhu and Setka) and the discontinued mouths of the partially built doorways either left opened to the elements or (perhaps more likely) filled with cut blocks which have since disappeared. While the reason why Sabni should come to share a double tomb hall with his father Mekhu is understandable - his filial devotion to his father, demonstrated by an expedition he launched to retrieve the body of Mekhu after he had died in Nubia, was celebrated even at the royal court.[25] The identity of the person for whom the northern extension was prepared and their relationship with Setka remains unknown. Some five shafts lead from the pillared hall to now ruined mummy-pits. One of these was constructed in the region of the northern extension immediately to the south of the 'window' very close to the exterior wall. The owners of these various mummy-pits have not been established.

Decorative Elements

On entering the tomb the visitor is greeted by impressive male figures carved into the nearest pillars. On the left is depicted a man leaning heavily on a staff, his left leg bent and his whole pose suggesting he is at rest after performing arduous duties [Fig.1/1 and Pl. 1].[26] He wears a projecting white kilt which hangs to just above the knee, a collar with large white bands separating a thinner black band, and a wig which falls to his shoulder. The figure is carved in raised relief and is well proportioned. Framing the figure are painted vertical bars (possibly representing columns) which appear to have been coloured with yellow bands separating a grey(?) band. These columns(?) are topped by intricate geometrical patterns which seem to represent capitals. They consist of black, brown and white inverted 'V' lines and short verticals in the same colour scheme. A worn, rectangular space above the figure's head and between the capitals appears to have once contained text but the characters have been obliterated. On the right-hand pillar a male figure is shown seated at a table heavy with offerings, the eternal rewards for his service to the Two Lands (Fig.1a). Another side of this column shows Setka with his title 'overseer of foreign lands' carved before him. He is depicted standing erect and holding a staff of office as if preparing to stride forward to meet the morning sun shining through the doorway of his sepulchre [Fig.1/2 and Pl. 2]. He wears a projecting white kilt which reaches just above the knee, a white sash which rests on his left shoulder, a collar consisting of five strands (coloured white, black, and red), matching bracelets and a wig. The figure itself is somewhat crudely executed - the legs appear too thin and 'bandy' in proportion to the rest of the body, the arches of the feet are angled too sharply and the feet themselves are elongated, the head is ill proportioned, the neck too thick, the eye too large and the chin almost lacking. Below his feet and dwarfed by them, appear two of his servants: one holds a fine earthenware pot; and the second leans over to remove the contents of a large basket. While this large figure of Setka is carved in sunken relief with the outlines incised and the edges rounded so as to create a three dimensional effect enhanced by the shadows thrown across the surface of the figure, these two men and indeed those of the other minor figures in the tomb have been painted onto plastered surfaces.

The pillar directly behind that of the 'striding Setka and two servants' is decorated by a standing male figure holding a linen 'handkerchief' and facing towards the centre of the tomb (b). The column to the left depicts, in sunken relief, Setka standing erect and holding a long staff and 'handkerchief' with his title 'overseer of the phyles of Upper Egypt' carved before him (c).[27] He is shown with close cropped hair, wearing the leopard skin robe of his priestly office in addition to a fine white kilt, black and white bracelets, and two(?) collars. His collars appear to comprise of one of black colouration and a lower one seemingly separated from the first by a section of the leopard skin, which is comprised of black and yellow-gold ovular shapes on a white background. While he is shown with stylised rolls of fat on his stomach and breast suggestive of his occupation and station far removed from physical toils and able to enjoy to the full the 'good life', his long, slender nose and firm-set mouth suggest that Setka was a man of determined character. The decorative elements of the north side of this column have been largely lost - only those towards the top comprising three registers of servants leading large and extra-ordinarily coloured bulls survive (d). The servant to the top crouches to face and struggle to control a large orange/brown beast; the middle register shows a kilted male leading a cream coloured animal with irregular black bands and circle; and below a human figure carrying a bundle (perhaps a fishing net?) supported by a pole resting on his shoulder while a white cow with red patches turns its head to examine the space between its legs (perhaps to lick the figure of a calf which has since disappeared).

The primary false-door is an impressive feature of this tomb [Fig.1/3 and Pl. 3]. It is set within three fine stone frames, each successive frame being raised slightly higher from the wall surface. The door itself is divided horizontally into five major zones. Towards the bottom a man-servant is shown watching over two large, black and white bulls which charge at each other. Above them, on a blue background, six elegant gazelles move in single file. The talent of the artist who painted them is suggested in the slight differences of pose, colouration and size of the animals - differences which give each beast a charming, individual quality. The next zone of the false-door has four main panels: to either side and cut into the surface of the wall are large orange recesses painted with a black border containing a Wedjat ('sacred eye'). Between these and on the same plane, standing figures of the tomb owner face each other across a narrow recess. That to the left is shown wearing a shoulder length wig, large white and yellow collar and a kilt which reaches above the knees. That to the right has cropped hair, a black collar and long white kilt. Its left arm is depicted reaching across the body. Titles appear before each figure and above their heads is a thick red line with two circular patterns in red and white. A small part of the panel which divides the two figures at approximately the same level as their heads has not been recessed and this portion is decorated with a cross-hatch pattern. The upper portion of this zone of the false-door is dominated by hieroglyph characters. The cartouche of Pepi II is especially prominent to the right and the text refers to Setka's duties at that king's pyramid complex as inspector of the royal funerary priests. The next zone is cut into the wall and depicts Setka seated to the left and five lines of text relating his titles and prayers for the sustenance of his ka. Setka is shown resting on a backless chair which has elegantly carved legs. He wears a white kilt, shoulder length wig and a large white collar. His right arm rests in his lap while his left is raised with his palm facing the text lines. The false-door is crowned by a decorative cornice of blue, red, black and yellow vertical bars each of which is framed in white.

An offering table, perhaps that belonging to Setka himself, remains in the tomb (Pl. 3, lower right). It may once have been placed before the grand false-door from where the ka of the priest and overseer would emerge to partake of the offering left for him by funerary priests and regular donors. The table now lies propped against the wall of the niche in which the false-door is set. This wall is decorated with a much-damaged painting of a man leaning on a staff with two male servants before him (e). High up in the corner of this wall of the false-door niche is a deeply carved figure of a standing male holding forth a long staff in his left hand and clutching the wings of a duck in his right [Fig.1/4 and Pl. 4]. No name survives to identify this individual. The workmanship of this relief and its technique argue that it was added to the tomb subsequent to the original decoration. The figure appears squat and heavy when compared with the large male figures. It is unfinished: its facial features (especially the chin and nose) do not seem to have been completely cut; the area behind the figure has not been smoothed; and it lacks colour and text. The figure has been carved in deeply raised relief (that is, the rock surrounding the figure has been cut away so that it stands out from its background) whereas the majority of the other prominent figures in the tomb are carved in sunken relief.

Directly across the opening of the false-door niche from the figure described above, on the pillar created by the carving of the connecting 'window' between the primary and secondary false-doors, three large male figures face towards the tomb entrance [Fig.1/5 and Pl. 5]. Two of these men hold their right hands over their chests in a solemn attitude. Their fine kilts, large collars and cropped hair suggest that they represent individuals of high rank - perhaps they were colleagues of Setka or some other official who shared his tomb. It is interesting to note that the figure to the left of the upper register (shown wearing a thick black collar) is depicted with cream-yellow skin. By Egyptian artistic convention this colour is usually employed to denote a female figure, her skin untanned by exposure to the sun as she stayed in the home undertaking domestic duties.[28] Just why the artist chose to paint a male figure in this manner is unclear: the other male figures here are of the usual 'red-skinned' hue. The 'yellow figure' would seem to be the senior of the three shown: he is depicted on a slightly larger scale than the figure behind him and significantly greater compared to that on the lower register; he wears a longer kilt and larger collar than his companions and these features attract attention to him; and his position on the upper register makes him the first figure to be viewed as one approaches the false-door. The 'yellow figure', like the depiction of Setka in priestly garments, displays stylised rolls of fat on his breast and stomach just above the kilt line. While the latter feature is a standard element of Egyptian artistic conventions at this time used to represent an individual who enjoys the fruits of wealth and a life-style free from physical woes and exertions, his companions lack such fleshy characteristics. It is possible that his duties required him to complete the majority of his work indoors (perhaps as a senior scribe, priest or administrator) and the artist had been instructed to reflect the nature of his responsibilities at the expense of the convention which called for men to be depicted in a tanned colour reflecting their out-of-doors, physically active lives.[29]

The two columns immediately to the right of the central group on which the large male figures are carved carry worn but nevertheless interesting decorations. That nearest to the entrance shows a seated female figure facing to the right (f); while that behind has scenes on two of its faces [Fig.1/6 and Pl. 6]. On a blue background a standing man is shown with his wife (g). Both figures wear fine clothes and elaborate collars and wigs - signs of their wealth and station. The male is depicted holding a vertical white staff in his right hand and a horizontal red scepture in his left. He wears a white kilt, black braceletes, black wig with a white headband and tassels, and a collar consisting of five alternating black and white bands. His wife is shown with white skin and a similarly coloured long, tight fitting costume. She wears a long black wig and bracelets, anklets and a matching collar of black-gold-black bands. Her dress appears to be supported by broad shoulder straps of red with a black bodice below which short red straps connect to the dress. The figure clasps her husband's lower left arm in her left hand and his right shoulder in her right hand, which also holds a lotus flower. Directly above their heads is a white horizontal band with text - the characters are most worn. Below the large depictions of the male and female smaller figures - depicted in animated poses - labour at preparing offerings for the couple. Kneeling women appear to be making bread while another carries a large pot. On another face of this column a large female figure in similar attire to that previously described sits on a fine chair which appears to be decorated with a stylised depiction of a small animal, perhaps a cat (h). Above her head is a white horizontal band of hieroglyphic text [30] and above that representations of three large storage pots sitting on a table and one on the base-line of the text register (Pl. 4, lower right and Pl. 6 upper left). Below the seated female figure is a painting of a highly decorated shrine-like cabinet consisting of yellow and black borders and decorative panels set against red backgrounds, topped by a red curved feature which is difficult to interpret due to the worn nature of the painted surface. It would seem logical to speculate that the pit which lies at the foot of these pillars once led to the burial chamber of the noblewoman featured in this painting.

On the long, north-eastern wall of the tomb hall fragments remain of painted decorations. To the right of the door is a much-damaged 'hunting in the marshes' scene (i), beside which scribes(?) are shown at work (j). Immediately beyond them two ships sail an imaginary river on the tomb wall (k). The ship heading north is rowed by six oarsmen who are helped in their labour by the Nile current; that going south is assisted by a large square sail. A man standing on the prow appears to be on lookout for dangerous rocks and sandbars while other figures (which appear in light colour so as to stand out against the dark grey background) variously manipulate the rudder and make fast the rigging.

To the left of the doorway is a standing figure holding a staff. While little of this figure survives the presence of the tail of a leopard skin hanging between its legs suggests that it represents a priest. Behind him the traditional motif of the tomb owner and his wife are shown seated at a table of offerings. Before and below these three large figures are five smaller but very interesting registers. The upper one contains gazelles (the same desert animals shown on the primary false-door of the tomb) with the figure of a Nubian holding a bow. Beneath them, in descending order, are: a panel of donkeys attended by dark-skinned Nubians; a row of fine white bulls with black markings on a grey background; a line of Nubian archers on a creamy-yellow background; and a row of men (priests?) moving towards a standing couple.[31] The latter row of figures is set on a light blue background and extends across the lower section of the wall beneath the three larger figures described above. Each male in the line advances to the left and holds his hands to his chest in a solemn attitude. While their poses are very similar and all wear a white kilt and short cropped hair the artist has given each figure an individual quality - no two are the same. Differences in details such as the angle of their heads and hair, the size and proportions of their limbs, the folds of their kilts, and the shade of their skins serve to highlight the unique nature of each individual creating a visually stimulating depiction which, given the nature of the scene and the relative unimportance of the men (reflected by their scale and position on the wall) could easily have degenerated into a patterned row of identical figures. This factor, coupled with the nature of the depiction of the gazelles in the upper register, strongly suggests that the artist who painted this wall was the same individual who painted the scenes of the primary false-door for there (especially in the 'gazelles register') a similar attention to fine detail and a strong desire to give each figure unique characteristics are evident. If this is so, the dominant male figures on this wall - the standing figure with the leopard tail between its legs, the seated figure, and the standing figure to whom the row of men advance - most probably represent Setka, and the seated and standing female figures his wife.

While the row of advancing men is noteworthy in its own right and in the clue it provides to identifing the dominant male figures of the wall, arguably the most interesting register of this painting is that of the Nubian archers [Fig1/7 and Pl. 7]. Five individual figures survive.[32] That they represent Nubians is clear from the dark colour of their skin and their dress. They wear short red kilts decorated with white patterns (perhaps representing cow-hide?) and sashes around their waists from which narrow pieces of blue/green material hang in front, falling to just above the knee. Their costume also comprises of shoulder straps which attach to bands worn around the torso, and headbands with thin tassels falling to the back of the head and topped with feathers. While the colours of these features vary between the individuals portrayed; red, white and green pigments were commonly employed. [33]

The figures are engaged in battle, apparently having been attacked while marching. The advancing Nubian to the right of the surviving group has been caught off-guard - he carries his bow and a quiver with six arrows balanced on his head with the aid of his right hand.[34] His left arm is bent to grasp the shaft of an arrow which has pierced his chest just above his white torso band. The figure immediately behind him has fallen to a crouching position and prepares to draw his bow but the shaft of another arrow(?)[35] shown passing the shot Nubian's legs would seem to be about to strike him. Their companions have readied their bows and prepared to let fly arrows at the now unseen enemy. While those to the left stand with their legs straight, the bowman nearest to the crouching figure bends his right leg as if attempting to gain better balance or preparing to stride to his comrade's aid.

While it is not specifically stated by any surviving text, the Nubians depicted in Setka's tomb - overseeing the gazelles, walking with the donkeys and engaged in combat - are most likely to be interpreted as representing Nubian peoples employed in the service of Egyptians rather than independent, hostile forces. During the reign of Pepi I and those of his successors Nubians came to play increasingly significant roles in the Egyptian state as warriors, servants and in aiding royal construction projects. Pepi I's 'Governor of the South' Wenis (Uni), for example, commanded Nubian units in addition to Egyptian forces in action against 'Beduin Sand-Dwellers' while under King Merenre he organised Nubians to gather acacia timber for the construction of seven boats used to transport stone for the royal pyramid complex.[36] The prowess of Nubians with the bow was especially respected by the Egyptians and it was as mercenaries that they were most commonly employed during the Sixth Dynasty, First Intermediate Period and beyond. Setka, as 'overseer of the phyles of Upper Egypt' and 'overseer of the foreign lands', would appear to have recognised the significance of Nubian archery units or mercenaries attached to the Egyptian army - not only employing them but also celebrating their prowess in his tomb. The Nubians shown leading the donkeys in a register of this same panel may well symbolise the role of these people of the south in assisting Egyptian trade or military missions during Setka's lifetime. Certainly it would seem that Abu's great leaders of the Sixth Dynasty period: men like Harkhuf, 'governor of the south' and 'chief of the Egyptianized Nubians'; and Pepinakht-Heqaib, had succeeded in Egyptianizing a portion of the Nubian population and tying their fortune to that of the Two Lands.[37]

PLATES

[Unavailable at present] Plate 1 (Fig.1/1)	Plate 2 (Fig.1/2)
Plate 3 (Fig.1/3)	Plate 4 (Fig.1/4)
Plate 5 (Fig.1/5)	Plate 6 (Fig.1/6)
Plate 7 (Fig.1/7)

Additional Plates not Reproduced in Published Paper

(Location within Tomb noted as per Fig.1)

Figure 1/n.e. side of pillar 1	Figure 1/e
Figure 1/2 - lower	Figure 1/k

ENDNOTES

1) For discussion of the step pyramid on Elephantine Island see, for example, Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Kairo 36 (1980), pp.276-280, and MDAIK 38 (1982), pp.285-290, and A. ´Cwiek 1998 "Date and Function of the So-called Minor Step Pyrmaids" Göttinger Miszellen: Beiträge zur ägyptologischen Diskussion 162 (1998), pp.39-52.
2) For discussion of the Elephantine mastaba field see: MDIAK 36 (1980), pp.280f.; MDIAK 38 (1982), pp.284f. & especially Abb.7; and MDIAK 38 (1982), pp.181-183. Also see F.W. Rösing Qubbet el Hawa und Elephantine: Zur Bevölkerungsgeschichte von Ägypten (Semper Bonis Artibus, Verlag, 1990).
3) J. De Morgan, U. Bouriant, G. Legrain, G. Jéquier & A. Barsanti Catalogue des Monuments et Inscriptions de L'Égypte Antique: Tome Premier De la Frontière de Nubie a Kom Ombos (Adolphe Holzhausen, Vienne, 1894), p.141 records the name as 'Aly el-Haoua'. Current local tradition holds that it is Sidi Ali.
4) See Rösing Qubbet el Hawa1990, p.225.
5) M. el-Din "Discovery of a Tomb of the Late Old Kingdom below the Rock Tombs of Qubbet el-Hawa, Aswân" MDAIK 50 (1994), pp.31-34.
6) See M. el-Din MDAIK 50, p.34.
7) J.L Burckhardt Travels in Nubia (John Murray, London, 1819), p.131.
8) E.A. Wallis Budge "Excavations made at Aswan" The Society of Biblical Archaeology Vol. X (1887-8), pp.4-40.
9) Lady W. Cecil Lady "Report on the Work done at Aswân" Annales du Service des Antiquités des l'Egypte Vol.IV (1903), pp.51-73; & Vol.VI (1905), pp.271-283.
10) For general publication of the Qubbet el-Hawa necropolis see: U. Bouriant "Les Tombeaux D'Assouan" Recueil de Travaux relatifs a la philologie et a L'archéologie Égyptiennes et assyriennes Vol. X (1888), pp.181-198; J. De Morgan et al 1894, pp.141f.; B. Porter & R.L.B Moss Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphics Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings V : Upper Egypt (Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1937), pp.231-242; A.E.P Weigall A Guide to the Antiquities of Upper Egypt From Abydos to the Sudan Frontier (Methuen & Co. Ltd., London, 1910), pp.423-434; H.W. Müller Die Felsengräber der fürsten von Elephantine (Vergal J.J. Augustin, Glückstadt, 1940); Lexikon der Ägyptologie Band V (Wiesbaden, 1984), pp.54-68; and Rösing Qubbet el Hawa (1990).
11) For publications related to their work at Qubbet el-Hawa, see: L. Habachi Elephantine IV: The Sanctuary of Heqaib (Archäologische Veröffentlichungen 33) (Verlag Philipp von Zabern, Mainz am Rhein, 1985); L. Habachi Sixteen Studies on Lower Nubia - Supplément aux Annales du service des antiquitésde L'Égypte: Cahier No. 23 (Imprimerie de L'Institut Français D'Archéologe Orientale, Caire, 1981), pp.11-27; E. Edel Die Felgäbernekropole der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan: II. Abteilung Die althieratischen Topfaufschriften (Otto Harrassowiyz, Wiesbaden, 1967); E. Edel Die Felgäbernekropole der Qubbet el Hawa bei Assuan (Abhandlungen der Rheinisch-Westfälischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Band 55) (Westdeuts cher Verlag, 1975); and E. Edel "Der Alteste beleg für den title und sein weiterleben bis in die Römische zeit hinein" Serapis: The American Journal of Egyptology Vol.6 (1980), pp.41-46.
12) Habachi 1985, p.87. For discussion of the tomb of Sabni (Sabnj), son of Pepinakht-Heqaib (#35e), see Habachi 1981, pp.11-27.
13) C.A.R. Andrews drew my attention to the fact that the title is , not 'the inspector of Pepi II's pyramid' as described in Habachi 1985, p.87.
14) For discussion of this title, which is otherwise unknown from other tombs in the region but which was employed elsewhere, see Lexikon der Ägyptologie Band V, p.62.
15) For discussion of the titles of Meri see Edel Serapis 6(1980).
16) Habachi 1985, p.87.
17) H.G. Fischer "The Nubian Mercenaries of Gebelein during the First Intermediate Period" Kush 9, (1961), pp.44f.
18) Edel in Lexikon der Ägyptologie Band V, p.54, suggests a First Intermediate Period date.
19) Habachi 1985, p.87, note 5 "[The tomb of Setka is] To be published together with the tombs of Pepinakht-Heqaib and Sabnj by E.Edel and myself." Unfortunately both men died before this project reached completion.
20) I am indebted to Nasr Salama for his assistance and the many kindnesses he has shown me during numerous visits to Qubbet el-Hawa and the archaeological site of ancient Abu. I express my sincere appreciation to the Aswan staff of the Egyptian Antiquities Organisation, and to Professor G.A. Gaballa (Secretary General of the Supreme Council of Antiquities, the Ministry of Culture, ARE) for granting me permission to publish this paper. I also express my thanks to, and acknowledge the support of, the Australian Academy of the Humanities for my 1993/94 study tour, and thank Dr. Carol A.R. Andrews of the Department of Egyptian Antiquities, the British Museum, for her kind help and suggestions in the preparation of this paper - all errors are mine.
21) See de Morgan, Catalogue des Monuments (1894), p.159.
22) Weigall, Guide to Antiquities (1910), p.425.
23) The plans given in Budge JSBA Vol. X (1887-8), p.17 and Porter - Moss Topographical Bibliography (1937), p.230 which shows two rows of six square columns in the hall of Sabni, the southern-most two of which are depicted as not aligning with the round pillars of Mekhu's hall, are erroneous.
24) Budge JSBA Vol. X (1887-8), p.20.
25a) The ruins of a small monastic settlement survive on the hillside of Qubbet el-Hawa immediately above the middle section of the ancient necropolis. The history of this settlement is unknown - even its name is unclear. The Editor of C. Sicard Parallèle Géographique de L'Ancienne Égypte et de L'Égypte Moderne (uvres III) (Institut Français D'Archéologie Orientale du Caire, 1982), p.196, note 74, notes that on his map of 1722 Sicard situated Contra Syene on the spot where the 'Monastery of the Saviour' is located, opposite Elephantine Island, on the left bank of the Nile. R. Pococke A Description of the East and Some Other Countries (W. Bowyer, London, 1743/45), p.118 describes it as being in ruins and without inhabitants. There he saw a fresco of St. George and conjectured that the monastery bore the name of that popular Coptic saint. Cecil 1903, p.68, apparently following Pococke, names the monastery as the 'Convent of St. George'. See also Weigall 1910, p.427. [Note -this note was not published in the final version of the paper]
25b) That any work on the construction of a tomb hall would begin prior to the completion of the door opening to the tomb appears incongruous. That the door was finished prior to work on the interior of a tomb commencing appears to be confirmed by an example in the region of the First Cataract. A few kilometres down-steam from Elephantine Island, on the west bank, an impressive door can be seen cut into a sandstone ridge on the escarpment. The small rise of fine, workable sandstone in which the door was cut is surrounded by areas of poor, crumbling rock. That the tomb planned for this site was to have been an impressive affair is indicated by the fine edges of the doorway, the opening of which measures some 66 by 235 centimetres. Above and to either side of the opening the rough walls of the cliff were smoothed to form a façade. Work continued for some 2 metres into the embankment before being called to a halt and the project abandoned. The reason for this becomes clear when one examines the structure of the sandstone here. The problem lies in the base on which this good rock sits. Irregular, crumbling sedimentary seams underlie the stone above. These must have been apparent to the ancient tomb-builders as they worked, but perhaps they hoped that this was only a surface phenomenon. As they dug further back into the cliff the poor foundation layers continued. In the north-west corner of the excavation someone has dug a small trench at floor-level as if to test the state of affairs further on - poor rock continues. As the project was given up before decorations had been made it is impossible to date the work. [Note -this note was not published in the final version of the paper]
25) For discussion of Sabni's rescue of Mekhu's body see, for example, J.H. Breasted Ancient Records of Egypt (Vol.1) (Histories & Mysteries of Man Ltd., London, 1906 (Reprint 1988)), I.361-374, and R. Keating Nubian Twilight (Rupert Hart-Davis, London, 1962), p.28.
26) For the locations of the various decorative elements dicussed in the text, see Figure (a, b, c etc.) and for the location of the Plates, see (1, 2, 3 etc).
27) Illustrated in Mehling Egypt (London,1990), p.84 and Baines & Málek Atlas of Ancient Egypt (Oxford, 1980), p.72.
28) I. Shaw & P. Nicholson British Museum Dictionary of Ancient Egypt (London, 1995) p.307, and B.Watterson Women in Ancient Egypt (London, 1991 [Reprint 1994]), p.4.
29) See also Shaw & Nicholson 1995, p.307.
30) I regret to note that my photograph of the text failed to develop and that I failed to hand-copy the characters. I have been unable to re-enter the tomb in order to rectify this situation and I am therefore unable to comment on the text. Lexikon der Ägyptologie: Band V, p.60 under the heading 'Grabbesitzer, f' for tomb 110 notes .
31) Partly illustrated in Mehling Egypt, p.85.
32) Only the four figures to the left of the surviving scene are depicted in Plate 7. All are shown in Mehling Egypt, p.85 but the colours reproduced there are incorrect.
33) For discussion of their dress see Fischer Kush 9 (1961), p.63.
34) See also Fischer Kush 9 (1961), p.64, fig. 5.
35) Fischer Kush 9 (1961), p.63 suggests that the object is a spear. However it is shown to be the same thickness as the arrows represented in the scene and as the bow is the only weapon depicted in the surviving part of the register it seems likely that the projectile is an arrow.
36) See Fischer Kush 9 (1961), p.76, and Breasted, ARE I.311 & 324.
37) For discussion of the career of Harkhuf during the reigns of Merenre and Pepi II see, for example: Breasted ARE I.326-354; D.M. Dixon "The Land of Yam" Journal of Egypyian Archaeology Vol.44 (1958), pp.40-55; G.E. Kadish "Old Kingdom Egyptian Activity in Nubia: Some Reconsiderations" JEA Vol.52 (1966), pp.23-33; D. O'Connor "Early States Along the Nubian Nile" in W.V. Davies (Editor) Egypt and Africa: Nubia from Prehistory to Islam (London, 1991 [Reprint 1993]), pp.145-165; and P.L. Shinnie "Trade Routes of the Ancient Sudan 3,000 BC-AD 350" also in Davies (Ed.), pp.49-53. For the career of general (and later 'god') Pepinakht-Heqaib, see: L. Habachi "Hekaib the Deified Governor of Elephantine" Archaeology Vol. 9, Number 1 (1956), pp.8-15; and Habachi, Elephantine IV.

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